Peace of Westphalia

The term Peace of Westphalia refers to the two peace treaties of Osnabrück and Münster, signed on May 15 and October 24 of 1648 respectively, which ended both the Thirty Years’ War in Germany and the Eighty Years’ War between Spain and the Netherlands. The treaties involved the Holy Roman Emperor, Ferdinand III (Habsburg), the Kingdoms of Spain, France and Sweden, the Dutch Republic and their respective allies among the princes of the Holy Roman Empire.

The Peace of Westphalia resulted from the first modern diplomatic congress and initiated a new order in central Europe based on the concept of state sovereignty. Until 1806, the regulations became part of the constitutional laws of the Holy Roman Empire. The Treaty of the Pyrenees, signed in 1659, ended the war between France and Spain and is often considered part of the overall accord.

RESULTS

Internal political boundaries

A simplified map of Europe after the Peace of Westphalia in 1648.

The power taken by Ferdinand III in contravention of the Holy Roman Empire’s constitution was stripped and returned to the rulers of the German states. This rectification allowed the rulers of the German states to independently decide their religious worship. Protestants and Catholics were redefined as equal before the law, and Calvinism was given legal recognition. ^{[1] [2]}

[edit] Tenets

The main tenets of the Peace of Westphalia were:

• All parties would now recognize the Peace of Augsburg of 1555, by which each prince would have the right to determine the religion of his own state, the options being Catholicism, Lutheranism, and now Calvinism (the principle of cuius regio, eius religio). ^{[1] [2]}

• Christians living in principalities where their denomination was not the established church were guaranteed the right to practice their faith in public during allotted hours and in private at their will. ^[1]

Holy Roman Empire in 1648.

There were also territorial adjustments:

• The independence of the Dutch Republic, Switzerland, Savoy, Milan, Genoa, Mantua, Tuscany, Lucca, Modena and Parma from the Empire was formally recognised, as these regions had been de facto independent of the Emperors since the late 15th century.

• The majority of the Peace’s terms can be attributed to the work of Cardinal Mazarin, the de facto leader of France at the time (the King, Louis XIV, was still a child). Not surprisingly, France came out of the war in a far better position than any of the other participants. France won control of the Bishoprics of Metz, Toul and Verdun near Lorraine, and the cities of the Décapole in Alsace (but not Strasbourg, the Bishopric of Strasbourg, or Mülhausen).

• Sweden received an indemnity, as well as control of Western Pomerania and the Prince-Bishoprics of Bremen and Verden. It thus won control of the mouth of the Oder, Elbe, and Weser Rivers, and acquired three voices in the Council of Princes of the German Reichstag.

• Bavaria retained the Palatinate’s vote in the Imperial Council of Electors (which elected the Holy Roman Emperor), which it had been granted by the ban on the Elector Palatine Frederick V in 1623. The Prince Palatine, Frederick’s son, was given a new, eighth electoral vote.

• The Palatinate was divided between the re-established Elector Palatine Charles Louis (son and heir of Frederick V) and Elector-Duke Maximilian of Bavaria, and thus between the Protestants and Catholics. Charles Louis obtained the Lower Palatinate, along the Rhine, while Maximilian kept the Upper Palatinate, to the north of Bavaria.

• Brandenburg-Prussia (later Prussia) received Farther Pomerania, and the Bishoprics of Magdeburg, Halberstadt, Kammin, and Minden.

• The succession to the Dukes of Jülich-Cleves-Berg, who had died out in 1609, was clarified. Jülich, Berg, and Ravenstein were given to the Count Palatine of Neuburg, while Cleves, Mark, and Ravensberg went to Brandenburg.

• It was agreed that the Prince-Bishopric of Osnabrück would alternate between Protestant and Catholic holders, with the Protestant bishops chosen from cadets of the House of Brunswick-Lüneburg.

• The independence of the city of Bremen was clarified.

• Barriers to trade and commerce erected during the war were abolished, and ‘a degree’ of free navigation was guaranteed on the Rhine. ^[3]

History of International Relations

The history of international relations is often traced back to the Peace of Westphalia of 1648, where the modern state system was developed. Prior to this, the European medieval organization of political authority was based on a vaguely hierarchical religious order. Westphalia instituted the legal concept of sovereignty, which essentially meant that rulers, or the legitimate sovereigns, wouldno internal equals within a defined territory and no external superiors as the ultimate authority within the territory’s sovereign borders. Classical Greek and Roman authority at times resembled the Westphalian system, but both lacked the notion of sovereignty.

Westphalia encouraged the rise of the independent nation-state, the institutionalization of diplomacy and armies. This particular European system was exported to the Americas, Africa, and Asia via colonialism and the « standards of civilization ». The contemporary international system was finally established through decolonization during the Cold War. However, this is somewhat over-simplified. While the nation-state system is considered « modern », many states have not incorporated the system and are termed « pre-modern ». Further, a handful of states have moved beyond the nation-state system and can be considered « post-modern ». The ability of contemporary IR discourse to explain the relations of these different types of states is disputed. « Levels of analysis » is a way of looking at the international system, which includes the individual level, the domestic nation-state as a unit, the international level of transnational and intergovernmental affairs, and the global level.

What is explicitly recognized as International Relations theory was not developed until after World War I, and is dealt with in more detail below. IR theory, however, has a long tradition of drawing on the work of other social sciences. The use of capitalizations of the « I » and « R » in International Relations aims to distinguish the academic discipline of International Relations from the phenomena of international relations. Many cite Thucydides‘ History of the Peloponnesian War as the inspiration for realist theory, with Hobbes‘ Leviathan and Machiavelli’s The Prince providing further elaboration. Similarly, liberalism draws upon the work of Kant and Rousseau, with the work of the former often being cited as the first elaboration of democratic peace theory. Though contemporary human rights is considerably different than the type of rights envisioned under natural law, Francisco de Vitoria, Hugo Grotius and John Locke offered the first accounts of universal entitlement to certain rights on the basis of common humanity. In the twentieth century, in addition to contemporary theories of liberal internationalism, Marxism has been a foundation of international relations.

GEORGIA VS RUSSIA / AS VS RUSSIA ???

24 08 2008

Banyak pihak menilai perang di Kaukasus adalah ”kemenangan” bagi Rusia. Barat tampaknya tidak berkutik menghadapi tindakan keras Rusia saat mengerahkan pasukan ke tetangganya, Georgia, setelah Georgia menyerbu Ossetia Selatan. Benarkah genderang ”Perang Dingin baru” telah ditabuh?

Media-media Eropa menyebutkan bahwa garis Perang Dingin antara Rusia dan Barat tengah digambar ulang. Para analis menilai pecahnya konflik antara Rusia dan Georgia adalah titik balik geopolitik terbesar sejak bubarnya Uni Soviet tahun 1991. Konflik Rusia-Georgia dipastikan mengubah tatanan internasional di masa-masa mendatang.

Bermula dari serbuan pasukan Georgia ke Ossetia Selatan pada 7 Agustus lalu, beberapa jam setelah Presiden Georgia Mikhail Saakashvili menyatakan gencatan senjata sepihak. Ossetia Selatan, yang tidak pernah merasa menjadi bagian dari Georgia dalam banyak hal, memerdekakan diri melalui perang tahun 1991-1992, tetapi tidak pernah diakui oleh masyarakat internasional.

Dua hari setelah Georgia membombardir Ossetia Selatan, Rusia mengerahkan pasukan ke provinsi tersebut. Alasannya, melindungi warga negara Rusia. Lebih dari 70 persen penduduk Ossetia Selatan memegang paspor Rusia. Rusia juga menempatkan pasukan penjaga perdamaian di Ossetia Selatan.

Isu Ossetia Selatan telah membuat hubungan Rusia-Georgia tegang sejak Georgia memerdekakan diri tahun 1991 menyusul bubarnya Uni Soviet. Georgia langsung berafiliasi ke Barat, sesuatu yang tidak disukai Rusia, terlebih saat Georgia berkeinginan untuk bergabung dengan Pakta Pertahanan Atlantik Utara (NATO).

Profesor Stefan Wolff dari University of Nottingham dalam artikel di Atlantic Review menyebutkan, sejak Ossetia Selatan memerdekakan diri, situasi di pegunungan Kaukasus itu terbilang ”tidur”. Sesekali pecah bentrokan antara tentara Georgia dan gerilyawan Ossetia Selatan, tetapi selebihnya tenang. Itulah sebabnya banyak pihak heran mengapa begitu cepat konflik di Georgia berubah menjadi konflik antara Rusia dan Barat.

Setelah merasa ”cukup”, Rusia menarik pasukannya dari kota Gori, yang diduduki Rusia setelah berhasil mengusir Georgia dari Ossetia Selatan, 22 Agustus. Rusia telah memenuhi misinya untuk menunjukkan kepada dunia bahwa untuk tidak macam- macam dengan negara yang tengah bangkit ini.

Melunasi utang

Gleb Pavlosky, penasihat mantan Presiden Rusia Vladimir Putin, kepada BBC, mengatakan, kepemimpinan di Rusia telah menyimpulkan bahwa setelah Revolusi Oranye di Ukraina, Moskwa ingin mencegah hal serupa terjadi lagi. Rusia menganggap Ukraina dan Georgia, yang juga mengalami Revolusi Mawar yang memenangkan Saakashvili, sebagai pengaruh buruk di kawasan.

Fakta bahwa Georgia didukung Barat membuatnya menjadi sasaran empuk. Kesalahan Saakashvili adalah terlalu percaya diri bahwa Barat akan berada di belakangnya. Rupanya, dia salah perhitungan karena Barat hanya bisa bersuara keras tanpa bisa bertindak lebih jauh.

Rusia memanfaatkan retorika Barat yang disebut intervensi kemanusiaan dan Barat termakan ucapannya sendiri. Dengan alasan serupa, Barat mendukung kemerdekaan Kosovo dari Serbia.

Majalah The Economist edisi 16 Agustus menyebutkan bahwa Rusia kini telah menggambar garis merah tebal di atas peta Eropa di mana Barat dan NATO tidak bisa menyeberang. Rusia mencoba ”melunasi” utang kekalahan saat berakhirnya Perang Dingin tahun 1990, menjawab pengeboman NATO di Belgrade tahun 1999 dan invasi AS ke Irak tahun 2003. ”Jika kalian bisa, kami juga bisa” menjadi logis.

Namun, Barat bukannya tidak bisa berbuat apa-apa. Menteri Luar Negeri Inggris David Miliband menyatakan hubungan dengan Rusia harus dipikir ulang. NATO telah memutuskan, ini adalah akhir dari ”bisnis seperti biasanya”. Ambisi Rusia untuk bergabung dengan badan- badan dunia berpengaruh, seperti WTO dan OECD, menjadi taruhan. Bahkan, G-8 telah rela mendepak Rusia.

Gencatan senjata kini telah berlaku kendati masih rentan dan bisa pecah sewaktu-waktu. Kini, apa yang bisa diperbuat saat dunia memasuki fase baru?

Faktanya adalah Barat memerlukan Rusia dan Rusia memerlukan Barat. Rusia ingin terintegrasi dalam sistem ekonomi dunia dan dianggap sebagai mitra diplomatik yang serius. Sementara itu, Barat memerlukan Rusia dalam konfrontasi dengan Iran atau Sudan.

Mantan Menlu Inggris Lord Owen mengatakan sangat absurd untuk memperlakukan Rusia seperti Uni Soviet. Rusia lebih siap, tidak hanya secara militer, tetapi juga secara ideologis. Dukungan Rusia terhadap separatis di Ossetia Selatan dalam menghadapi dukungan Barat terhadap Georgia kian menegaskan permainan perang proxy di era Perang Dingin mulai dimainkan. Seluruh dunia kini harus mulai bersiap.

Perang Antara Rusia Dan Georgia Karena Korban Geopolitik Dari Amerika Serikat Dan Uni Eropa

11 08 2008

Samuel P Huntington, profesor di Universitas Harvard, AS, pernah mengatakan, sebuah perang bisa terjadi antara pemerintah dan salah satu kelompok etnisnya. Kelompok etnis itu bisa saja mencari perlindungan dari negara lain, yang dianggap berada dalam satu kelompok etnis.

Inilah yang lebih kurang terjadi di Georgia (didominasi etnis Georgia) dengan etnis Ossetia yang menghuni Ossetia Selatan, yang cenderung bergabung dengan Ossetia Utara (Rusia).

Konflik hanya bisa diatasi, salah satunya, dengan meminta tolong etnis Ossetia Utara atau Rusia. Persoalannya, Rusia gusar terhadap Georgia yang cenderung memilih dekat ke Uni Eropa dan AS. Rusia makin jengkel dengan keinginan Georgia bergabung dalam Pakta Pertahanan Atlantik Utara (NATO), sebagaimana diutarakan Perdana Menteri Rusia Vladimir Putin.

Setelah kecewa dan memendam rasa sakit hati selama dekade 1990-an, ketika Uni Soviet ambruk, dan satu demi satu eks Uni Soviet menjadi anggota Uni Eropa, bahkan ada yang menjadi anggota NATO, Rusia merasa dipermalukan dan dikepung. Rusia tak berdaya karena terjadi pada dekade 1990-an saat ekonomi dan militernya hancur.

Kebangkitan ekonomi dan militer Rusia, mulai dekade 2000-an, membalikkan keadaan. Rusia tidak bisa lagi menerima penggerogotan pengaruh yang terus dilakukan Barat atas halaman belakangnya.

Ini terkait soal geopolitik dan rasa nyaman. Rusia merasa bemper pengamanan negaranya sudah dihabisi, kecuali Asia Tengah yang masih memilih dekat ke Rusia. Persoalan bagi Georgia terjadi dengan uang berlimpah milik Rusia, yang memberikan kehidupan lebih baik bagi warga Ossetia ketimbang yang diberikan Georgia.

Salah taktik

Benar bahwa tindakan Rusia di Ossetia Selatan makin menjengkelkan karena mencoba melakukan propaganda bahwa dekat ke Rusia berarti sebuah kemakmuran. Politisi Jerman, Gernot Erler, mengatakan, Rusia terus menanamkan pengaruh di Ossetia Selatan dari segi ekonomi, politik, dan harga diri.

Jelas Rusia salah dan tindakannya menyerang Ossetia adalah pelanggaran besar atas kedaulatan Georgia. Presiden Rusia Dmitry Medvedev mengatakan, serangan itu bertujuan membuat Georgia mempertahankan perdamaian di Ossetia dan Abkhazia, dua provinsi separatis.

Namun, Rusia memiliki legitimasi melakukan itu demi kepentingan geopolitiknya, sebagaimana AS melakukan hal serupa di Irak. Jika AS bisa semena- mena di negara lain, mengapa Rusia tidak. Inilah buah kegagalan kebijakan luar negeri AS. Dunia berteriak, tetapi faktor geopolitik sangat berperan.

Dalam hal ini, bisa dikatakan, Presiden Georgia Mikhail Saakashvili kurang taktis. Mempertahankan kedaulatan wilayah tak perlu dengan serangan militer, membuat Rusia marah. Saakashvili tak menyadari faktor geopolitis itu. Atau, caranya kurang taktis karena memilih berseteru dengan Rusia daripada merangkulnya demi keutuhan Georgia.

Konflik Ossetia, Ajang Perebutan Pengaruh Antara NATO dan Rusia

Konflik bersenjata antara Georgia dan Rusia di Ossetia Selatan sejak 8 Agustus 2008, dinilai sebagai pesan keras yang ingin disampaikan Rusia kepada pihak-pihak terkait di Barat dan AS agar tidak melakukan perluasan pengaruh NATO di Ossetia dan Abkhazia melalui tangan Georgia. Pesan keras lainnya, Rusia ingin mengatakan dengan lantang  bahwa ancaman Rusia yang akan menggunakan kekuatan senjata untuk menghalau setiap upaya NATO memperluas pengaruhnya di negara-negara tetangganya bukanlah omong kosong, tapi akan dibuktikan dengan tindakan nyata.

Memang benar, secara kasat mata, Georgia-lah yang pertama memprovokasi Rusia dengan melancarkan serangan udara secara membabi buta terhadap Ibukota Ossetia Selatan Tskhinvali pada 8 Agustus 2008. Serangan itu menewaskan sekitar 1400 orang, 10 diantaranya adalah pasukan perdamaian Rusia. Akan tetapi balasan Rusia terhadap provokasi itu tidak seperti yang diduga oleh banyak pihak. Rusia langsung membalasnya dengan serangan udara dan agresi secara langsung mengusir tentara Georgia dari Ossetia dengan melibatkan ribuan tentara, ratusan pesawat tempur dan kapal-kapal perang. Armada tempur Rusia tidak hanya menargetkan posisi tentara Georgia di Ossetia tapi juga ibukota Georgia, Tbilis ikut menjadi sasaran.

Balasan Rusia yang diluar dugaan itu menunjukan adanya “ niat terpendam” Rusia yang telah sejak lama ingin “memberi pelajaran keras” terhadap sikap-sikap politik Presiden Georgia Mikhail Saakashvili yang cenderung pro Barat dan AS. Georgia dibawah pemerintahannya berupaya terus untuk bergabung dengan NATO dan mendapat dukungan dari AS. Hal ini dinilai sebagai faktor yang memicu kemarahan besar bagi Rusia karena perluasan NATO telah sampai pada negara yang berbatasan langsung dengan Rusia. Sejak berkuasa di Georgia tahun 2003 melalui “revolusi bunga” , rezim Mikhail Saakashvili berupaya menjauh dari lingkaran politik negeri beruang putih dan berusaha untuk menguasai wilayah Abkhazia dan Ossetia Selatan yang pada tahun 1992 menyatakan memerdekaan diri dari Georgia secara sepihak dengan mendapat dukungan dari Rusia.

Berbagai statemen dari para pejabat Moskow semakin memperkuat dugaan tersebut. Menlu Rusia Sergey Lafrov mengatakan ada bukti-bukti yang menunjukan adanya pembersihan etnis terhadap muslim Ossetia Selatan. Kondisi rakyat di negara tersebut semakin memburuk dan banyak warga sipil yang mati kelaparan. Moskow tidak mencukupkan sampai di situ, bahkan menuduh Ukraina menyuplai senjata kepada Georgia untuk mendorong negara ini membersihkan etnis muslim di Ossetia Selatan.

PM Rusia Vladimir Putin juga  ikut berkomentar dengan mengatakan serangan Georgia terhadap Ibukota Ossetia Selatan Tskhinvali merupakan petualangan militer Georgia yang kotor. Vladimir Putin juga mengatakan bahwa volunteer Rusia siap berperang di Ossetia dan sulit bagi Georgia untuk mengentikan mereka. Vladimir Putin mengatakan serangan militer Rusia terhadap Ossetia untuk mendesak Georgia agar bersedia melakukan perdamaian dengan  penduduk Ossetia Selatan.

Intervensi AS

Berbagai media massa Rusia memiliki tanggapan lain. Hampir seluruh media Rusia melayangkan tuduhan adanya intervensi AS. AS dituduh telah  menyuplai senjata kepada militer Georgia dan memprovokasinya untuk menyerang Ossetia Selatan. Hal ini menunjukan bahwa akar permasalahn konflik sebenarnya bukan terbatas konflik antara Georgia dengan Ossetia Selatan, akan tetapi juga ikut bermain kepentingan Rusia yang tidak ingin melihat negara tetangganya Ukrania, Georgia, Ossetia dan Abkkhazia bergabung menjadi bagian dari NATO.

Sikap negara Abkhazia menjadi bukti yang paling kuat keterlibatan AS. Sejumlah pejabat di Abkhazia langsung menyatakan dukungan mereka terhadap Ossetia dan mereka langsung memberi bantuan militer. Meskipun antara Abkhazia dengan Ossetia Selatan memiliki  perjanjian pertahanan bersama untuk saling membantu jika diserang Georgia, namun apapun yang dilakukan oleh Abkhazia kepada Ossetia Selatan tidak bisa terlaksana, kecuali setelah mendapat lampu hijau dari Rusia. Di satu sisi, Rusia tampak ingin memperluas front peperangan hingga ke Abkhazia, agar Georgia cepat ditumbangkan, sekaligus memberi tamparan keras terhadap negara-negara yang ingin melawan pengaruh Rusia di kawasan Asia Tengah.

Rusia Memiliki Banyak Kartu Turf

Keberanian Rusia bersikap agresif menghadapi serangan militer Georgia oleh banyak pengamat disebabkan karena Rusia memiliki banyak kartu turf dan posisinya berada di atas angin. Hal ini bisa dilihat dari beberapa faktor antara lain, pertama perimbangan kekuatan militer antara Rusia dengan Georgia, Rusia tampak lebih unggul. Rusia memiliki sekitar 395 ribu tentara, 23 ribu tank, 9900 truk  tempur, 26000 senjata artileri dan 1809 pesawat tempur. Sementara Georgia hanya memiliki 32 ribu personil tentara, 128 tank dan 44 truk pengangkut  tentara.

Kedua, Rusia  mengetahui Barat yang diwakili NATO tidak bisa berbuat banyak apabila negara sekutunya Georgia dibombardir, karena NATO kini masih disibukkan oleh permasalahan di Afghanistan sementara tentara AS terjebak di Irak. Oleh karena itu, melalui Jubirnya, Pemerintah Gedung Putih menyerukan kepada semua pihak agar segera berunding dan menyelesaikan segala permasalahannya melalui dialog. Hal senada juga disampaikan oleh Komandan Pasukan AS di Eropa Kolonoel Jhone Dorban, yang mengatakan bahwa pasukan AS di Georgia bukan pihak yang terlibat dalam konflik. Kemlu AS juga menyatakan bahwa AS akan segera mengutus utusan khusus ke Georgia untuk melakukan perundingan dengan pihak-pihak yang terkait konflik.

Ketiga, kondisi Internal Georgia sendiri sangat menentang kebijakan Presiden Georgia untuk  terlibat kontak fisik dengan Rusia, karena dampaknya terhadap masyarakat Georgia, menghancurkan infrastruktur. Kelompok-kelompok oposisi Georgia semakin memiliki posisi kuat dengan terjadinya konflik di Ossetia. Rezim Presiden Georgia, Mikhail juga dinilai tidak dapat memenuhi janji-janjinya seperti yang disampaikannya sebelum memangku jabatan Presiden, di satu sisi kemiskinan dan pengagguran di kalangan masyarakat Georgia hingga kini masih menjadi problem yang banyak dikeluhkan masyarakat.

Hadiah Buat Iran

Iran tampaknya menjadi negara yang paling diuntungkan dengan meletusnya konflik bersenjata di Ossetia. Banyak pihak mengatakan, konflik di Ossetia merupakan pelampung penolong bagi Iran untuk menghadapi Barat dan AS terkait program nuklirnya. Kesimpulan ini dapat dijelaskan dengan melihat AS saat ini tengah mempersiapkan paket hukuman baru bagi Iran, akan tetapi dukungan AS terhadap Georgia dengan sendirinya akan mendorong Rusia untuk menolak usulan sangsi AS terhadap Iran itu dalam sidang DK PBB. Masalah Iran akan digunakan sebagai kartu truf untuk mendapatkan kelunakan sikap Barat dan AS terkait dengan masalah Georgia dan Ukraina, dimana NATO mati-matian untuk menarik kedua negara ini bergabung dengan NATO

Ada perkembangan lain yang tidak diduga-duga oleh Presiden Bush yakni Georgia secara tiba-tiba menarik 1000 pasukannya yang bertugas di Irak. Langkah ini sedikit membuat kalang kabut berbagai rencana dan kalkulasi AS di Iran.

Problem Ossetia

Sejarah Ossetia dimulai sejak tahun 1878. Pasca Revolusi Bolseviks, Rusia membagi Ossetia menjadi dua bagian. Ossetia Utara masuk menjadi bagian wilayah Rusia dan Ossetia Selatan ke Georgia. Pada 28 November 1991, Ossetia menyatakan memerdekakan diri dari Georgia secara sepihak, namun kemerdekaan Ossetia tidak mendapat pengakuan internasional. Pasca kemerdekaan Ossetia, terjadi konflik bersenjata antara pasukan Georgia dan gerilyawan Ossetia dan berakhir pada tahun 1992 dengan disepakatinya kesepakatan damai. Dalam kesepakatan itu, kedua pihak setuju pasukan perdamaian Rusia ditempatkan di wilayah perbatasan antara Georgia dengan Ossetia Selatan. Namun pada tahun 2004, Presiden Georgia Mikhail melancarkan serangan militer besar-besaran terhadap gerilyawan Ossetia.

Tahun 2006, Ossetia Selatan melakukan referendum untuk menentukan nasib dirinya sendirinya. Hasil referendum itu menyetujui Ossetia merdeka terlepas dari Georgia. Pada tahun yang sama Ossetia  menyelenggarakan Pemilu Presiden Ossetia. Presiden Edwadi Kukuti sebagai presiden terpilih pertama republik Ossetia

Country profile: Kazakhstan(bbcnews)

Country profile: Kazakhstan

A huge country covering a territory equivalent to the whole of Western Europe, Kazakhstan has vast mineral resources and enormous economic potential.

The varied landscape stretches from the mountainous, heavily populated regions of the east to the sparsely populated, energy-rich lowlands in the west, and from the industrialised north, with its Siberian climate and terrain, through the arid, empty steppes of the centre, to the fertile south.

Overview

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

Ethnically, the country is as diverse, with the Kazakhs making up over half the population, the Russians comprising just over a quarter, and smaller minorities of Ukrainians, Germans, Chechens, Kurds, Koreans and Central Asian ethnic groups accounting for the rest.

These groups generally live in harmony, though ethnic Russians resent the lack of dual citizenship and having to pass a Kazakh language test in order to work for government or state bodies.

Astana: Oil money is driving the new capital’s development

Since independence, there has been major foreign investment in the Caspian oil sector. Oil development has brought rapid economic growth.

An oil pipeline linking the Tengiz oil field in western Kazakhstan to the Russian Black Sea port of Novorossiysk opened in 2001. There are plans to escalate oil exports by linking Kazakh resources to the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline which began operating in summer 2005. A pipeline to China was opened in late 2005 and other routes are also being explored.

Nevertheless, poverty is still widespread and Kazakhstan continues to face major economic challenges, particularly with unemployment and inflation. At the same time, an elite group of people have grown very rich since independence through privatization and other business deals which opposition figures allege to have been corrupt.

The people of Kazakhstan also have to live with the aftermath of Soviet-era nuclear testing and toxic waste dumping and with increasing drug addiction and a growing incidence of HIV/Aids. Inefficient irrigation projects have led to severe shrinkage of the heavily polluted Aral Sea.

Facts

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

• Full name: Republic of Kazakhstan
• Population: 15.4 million (UN, 2007)
• Capital: Astana
• Largest city: Almaty
• Area: 2.7 million sq km (1 million sq miles)
• Major languages: Kazakh, Russian
• Major religions: Islam, Christianity
• Life expectancy: 62 years (men), 72 years (women) (UN)
• Monetary unit: 1 Kazakh tenge = 100 tiyn
• Main exports: Oil, uranium, ferrous and nonferrous metals, machinery, chemicals, grain, wool, meat, coal
• GNI per capita: US $2,930 (World Bank, 2006)
• Internet domain: .kz
• International dialling code: +7

Leaders

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

President: Nursultan Abish-uly Nazarbayev

Elections in December 2005 returned Nursultan Nazarbayev for a further seven-year term with more than 90% of the votes.

The opposition protested that the ballot had been rigged and OSCE observers declared it to have been seriously flawed.

President Nazarbayev: At the helm during reform years

Mr Nazarbayev said the election had been fair and showed that people wanted evolution, not revolution.

Born in 1940, Mr Nazarbayev came to power in 1989 as first secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan and was elected president the following year. He was re-elected after the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991.

His supporters say he preserved inter-ethnic accord and stability during the reform years.

Mr Nazarbayev has concentrated extensive powers in his own hands and is accused by the opposition of suppressing dissent. Although he says he advocates democracy as a long-term goal, he warns that stability could be at risk if change is too swift.

A referendum in 1995 extended his term of office and in 1999 he was again elected president in elections from which his main rival was barred from standing on a technicality.

Parliament voted in 2007 to allow him to stay in office for an unlimited number of terms. When he does step down, he will have a permanent seat on the defence council and a role as head of the people’s assembly, which unites members from different ethnic groups.

The president merged his Otan party with his daughter Dariga’s party, Asar, in July 2006. The move created a vast ruling coalition and was seen as consolidating the president’s power. Otan was subsequently renamed Nur-Otan in honour of Mr Nazarbayev.

Media

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

Press freedom is enshrined in Kazakhstan’s constitution, but press freedom monitors say the privately-owned and opposition media are subject to harassment and censorship.

In its 2007 report, media rights body Reporters Without Borders said pressure on the media included prosecutions for « defaming » the president, the closure of opposition newspapers and physical attacks on journalists.

Insulting the president and officials is a criminal offence; the private life, health and financial affairs of the president are classified as state secrets.

The government controls the printing presses and most radio and TV transmission facilities. It operates the country’s national radio and TV networks.

The president’s close associates, including his eldest daughter, Dariga Nazarbayeva, and son-in-law, have benefitted from the privatisation of the former state media. Dariga heads the influential Khabar Agency which runs several TV channels.

The couple also controls the radio stations Europa Plus, Russkoye Radio, Hit FM and Radio Karavan, along with the newspapers Karavan and Novoye Pokolenie.

The press

• Kazakhstanskaya Pravda – government-backed, Russian-langauge
• Yegemen Qazaqstan – government-backed, Kazakh-language
• Ekspress-K – private, Russian-language
• Zhas Alash – private, Kazakh-language
• Liter – private, daily
• Vremya – private, opposition weekly
• Nachnem s ponedelnika – private, Russian-language opposition weekly
• Karavan – private, weekly

Television

• Khabar TV – operated by Khabar agency
• Kazakh TV (first channel) – state-owned, in Kazakh and Russian
• Kazakh Commercial TV (KTK) – private, in Kazakh and Russian
• Channel 31 TV – private, Almaty
• Caspionet – satellite channel operated by Khabar agency, in Russian, Kazakh and English
• Eurasia TV – state-run, rebroadcasts of Russia’s Channel One

Radio

• Kazakh Radio – state-owned, broadcasts in Kazakh and Russian
• Europa Plus – private, Almaty, Astana
• Khabar Hit FM – private, Almaty
• Russkoye Radio-Aziya – private, Almaty, Astana

News agencies

• Kazinform – state-owned; English-language pages
• Interfax Kazakhstan – a service of Russian news agency Interfax; English-language pages

Country profile: Bosnia-Hercegovina(bbcnews)

Country profile: Bosnia-Hercegovina

Bosnia-Hercegovina is recovering from a devastating three-year war which accompanied the break-up of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s.

The 1992-1995 conflict centred on whether Bosnia should stay in the Yugoslav Federation, or whether it should become independent.

Overview

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

It is now an independent state, but under international administration. Its three main ethnic groups are Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims), Croats and Serbs. The war left Bosnia’s infrastructure and economy in tatters. Around two million people – about half the population – were displaced.

International administration, backed at first by Nato forces and later by a smaller European Union-led peacekeeping force, has helped the country consolidate stability.

Symbol of hope: Rebuilt bridge at Mostar

But early in 2007 the International Crisis Group, a think tank, warned: « Bosnia remains unready for unguided ownership of its own future – ethnic nationalism remains too strong. »

The 1995 Dayton peace accord, which ended the Bosnian war, set up two separate entities; a Bosniak-Croat Federation of Bosnia and Hercegovina, and the Bosnian Serb Republic, or Republika Srpska, each with its own president, government, parliament, police and other bodies.

Overarching these entities is a central Bosnian government and rotating presidency. In addition there exists the district of Brcko which is a self-governing administrative unit, established as a neutral area placed under joint Serb, Croat and Bosniak authority.

Dayton also established the Office of the High Representative. The Office’s representative is the state’s ultimate authority, responsible for implementation of Dayton and with the power to  »compel the entity governments to comply with the terms of the peace agreement and the state constitution ».

Critics of Dayton said the two entities came too close to being states in their own right and that the arrangement reinforced separatism and nationalism at the expense of integration. Negotiations to amend the existing constitution, established by Dayton, in order to centralise functions and transform the country into a non-ethnic parliamentary democracy, are ongoing.

Underlining how far the country had progressed since Dayton, EU foreign ministers gave the go-ahead in late 2005 for talks on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement, the start of Bosnia’s long journey towards possible EU membership.

The prospect of talks with the EU was a factor likely to increase pressure for the capture of two key Bosnian Serb war crimes suspects, Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic.

After nearly 13 years on the run, Radovan Karadzic was arrested in July 2008 by Serbian security forces in Belgrade.

There were celebrations on the streets of Sarajevo following news of his arrest. However, Serbs in Mr Karadzic’s wartime stronghold town of Pale expressed anger and disappointment at the development.

Facts

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

• Full name: Bosnia and Hercegovina
• Population: 4 million (UN, 2007)
• Capital: Sarajevo
• Area: 51,129 sq km (19,741 sq miles)
• Major languages: Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian
• Major religions: Christianity, Islam
• Life expectancy: 72 years (men), 77 years (women) (UN)
• Monetary unit: 1 convertible marka = 100 convertible pfenniga
• Main exports: Wood and paper, metal products
• GNI per capita: US $2,440 (World Bank, 2006)
• Internet domain: .ba
• International dialling code: +387

Leaders

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

President: The presidency rotates every eight months between a Serb, a Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) and a Croat.

The responsibilities of the presidency lie largely in international affairs.

Prime minister: Nikola Spiric

Nikola Spiric, a Bosnian Serb, was first asked to form a government in January 2007 after the parties which gained the most votes in general elections in October agreed on a coalition.

Nikola Spiric resigned after 10 months

He resigned in November 2007 in protest at efforts by the High Representative and EU Special Representative, Miroslav Lajcak, to introduce reforms supported by the EU. Mr Spiric said in his resignation speech that Bosnia has been run for too long by foreigners.

However, in December 2007 he secured the approval of Bosnia’s parliament to return as prime minister, promising to work on reforms that would bring Bosnia closer to membership of Nato and the European Union.

Media

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

The war in Bosnia-Hercegovina turned most media into propaganda tools in the hands of authorities, armies and factions. Since the 1995 Dayton Peace Accord efforts have been made – with limited success – to develop media which bridge inter-entity boundaries.

The most influential broadcasters in Bosnia are the public radio and TV stations operated by the Bosniak-Croat and Serb entities. The Office of the High Representative (OHR), the leading international civilian agency in Bosnia, is overseeing the development of a national public broadcasting service.

The OHR and other international organisations have encouraged the development of media which support a civic rather than a nationalist approach.

The media are partially free, but outlets and journalists come under pressure from state bodies and political party structures in both the Bosniak-Croat and Serb entities.

More than 200 commercial radio and TV stations are on the air, but their development has been hampered by a weak advertising market.

The press

• Oslobodjenje – Sarajevo, daily
• Dnevni Avaz – Sarajevo, daily
• Nezavisne Novine – Banja Luka, daily
• Glas Srpske – Banja Luka, Bosnian Serb government daily
• Dnevni List – Mostar, daily
• Dani – Sarajevo, weekly
• Slobodna Bosna – Sarajevo, weekly
• Reporter – Banja Luka, weekly

Television

• Radio and TV of Bosnia and Hercegovina – state-wide public broadcaster, operates BHTV1
• Federation TV (FTV) – public TV service of Bosnian Muslim-Croat entity, operates two networks
• Serb Republic Radio-TV (RTRS) – operates public TV service of Bosnian Serb entity
• Mreza Plus – commercial, near-national coverage
• Open Broadcast Network (OBN) – commercial, near-national coverage
• TV Pink BH – offshoot of Serbia-based commercial network

Radio

• Radio and TV of Bosnia and Hercegovina – state-wide public broadcaster, operates BH Radio 1
• Radio FBiH – public radio service of Bosniak-Croat entity
• Serb Republic Radio-TV (RTRS) – operates public radio service of Bosnian Serb entity
• Bosnian Croat Mostar Radio
• Bosanska Radio Mreza (BORAM) – private network
• BM Radio – private, Zenica-based
• Radio Stari Grad – private, Sarajevo-based

News agencies

• Federation News Agency (Fena) – state-run, Sarajevo-based, English-language pages
• SRNA – official Bosnian Serb agency
• Onasa – private, English-language pages

Country profile: Russia(bbcnews)

Country profile: Russia

Russia is once again flexing its muscles as an international power, after the decade of economic pain and political instability that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

A new political order is in place and the economy has recovered and grown since the collapse of 1998, fuelled by income from Russia’s vast natural resources, not least in oil and gas. The state-run gas monopoly Gazprom is the world’s largest producer and exporter, and supplies a growing share of Europe’s needs.

Spanning 10 time zones, Russia is the largest country on earth in terms of surface area, although large tracts in the north and east are inhospitable and sparsely populated.

Overview

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

The country impresses with its diversity and size. This vast Eurasian land mass covers more than 17m sq km, with a climate ranging from the Arctic north to the generally temperate south.

The annual Victory Day parade marks the end of World War II

In the privatisation years of the 1990s Russia provided entrepreneurs with the potential for rich pickings. A small number of them, often referred to as oligarchs, acquired vast interests in the energy and media sectors.

Some analysts believed that the then president, Boris Yeltsin, allowed their influence to extend too far into the political field but President Putin soon made it clear that there was no question of that with him in charge.

Some oligarchs found themselves facing criminal investigation and one or two household names felt it necessary to leave Russia.

One of them, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the former head of the Yukos oil company, is now serving eight years in a Siberian penal colony having been convicted on tax and fraud charges.

He had not confined his activities to business but had let his support for liberal politics be known. Yukos’s assets were later acquired by the state owned oil giant, Rosneft.

Russia’s economic power lies in its key natural resources – oil and gas. Gazprom is controversially close to the Russian state and critics say it is little more than an economic and political tool of the Kremlin.

Russia cut gas to Ukraine in 2006 after a row between the two countries, which affected supply to Western Europe. Two years later Gazprom threatened to cut gas supplies to Ukraine by 25% over unpaid debts, renewing critics’ concerns. A settlement was eventually reached between the two sides.

Chechnya and the West

While Russians make up more than 80% of the population and Orthodox Christianity is the main religion, there are many other ethnic and religious groups. Muslims are concentrated among the Volga Tatars and the Bashkirs and in the North Caucasus.

St Petersburg’s State Hermitage houses a vast art collection

Chechnya remains prominent in the headlines. Many thousands have died since Russian troops were first sent in to put down a separatist rebellion in 1994 and guerrilla fighters continue to mount attacks. However, the Kremlin faced less criticism from the West over its actions in Chechnya in the aftermath of the 11 September attacks on the US.

Since then, Moscow has presented its war against Chechen separatism as part of the global war against international terrorism. It insists that its hard-line policies there are working and that peace is returning.

This has frequently been called into question as violence flares with tragic regularity across Chechnya and the wider North Caucasus.

Russia’s support for the US-led campaign against international terrorism also had an impact on relations with Nato. The two sides agreed in 2002 to set up the Nato-Russia Council, giving Russia a say in counter-terrorism policies.

Nevertheless, Russia firmly opposed the US-led military action against Iraq in 2003, insisting that UN weapons inspectors be given as much time as they needed to do their work.

Despite US concerns, Moscow agreed in 2005 to supply fuel for Iran’s Bushehr nuclear reactor. Amid global concern over Iran’s nuclear programme, Russia opposed sanctions and only backed a UN resolution imposing them after the proposals had been watered down.

It has consistently shown that its desire to build new international relationships will not deter it from going its own way on key issues.

A US plan to develop an anti-missile system in Eastern Europe has angered Russia, which has said it may respond by pointing its missiles at the defence shield installations.

Facts

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

• Full name: Russian Federation
• Population: 142.5 million (UN, 2007)
• Capital: Moscow
• Area: 17 million sq km (6.6 million sq miles)
• Major language: Russian
• Major religions: Christianity, Islam
• Life expectancy: 59 years (men), 73 years (women) (UN)
• Monetary unit: 1 rouble = 100 kopecks
• Main exports: Oil and oil products, natural gas, wood and wood products, metals, chemicals, weapons and military equipment
• GNI per capita: US $4,460 (World Bank, 2006)
• Internet domain: .ru
• International dialling code: +7

Leaders

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

President: Dmitry Medvedev

Dmitry Medvedev was sworn in as president in May 2008, taking office as Russia’s third president since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

President Dmitry Medvedev

The chosen successor of former president Vladimir Putin, Mr Medvedev won just over 70% of the vote in presidential elections held in March.

He conducted a fairly low-key campaign, but received generous media coverage and was always the clear favourite to win.

As his victory became clear he said that he hoped to work with Mr Putin as his prime minister to improve the quality of life for Russians.

He also said there would be little change in Russia’s foreign policy.

Dmitriy Medvedev is 42 and has been associated with Vladimir Putin since the early 1990s when they were both involved in politics in St Petersburg.

Mr Medvedev is a lawyer by training and headed up Mr Putin’s presidential election campaign in 2000.

He subsequently worked as chairman of Gazprom and as first deputy prime minister in charge of social programmes.

Prime Minister: Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin

Former president Vladimir Putin was confirmed as Russia’s new prime minister on 8 May 2008, one day after his protege Dmitry Medvedev was sworn in as president.

Mr Putin’s unprecedented move from the Kremlin to the premiership completed a carefully staged transition which will ensure he remains at the heart of power.

Prime Minister Vladimir Putin

As prime minister, he has promised to curb inflation, cut taxes and boost social spending. Mr Medvedev has said his political mentor will play a « key role » in shaping the country’s development over the next decade.

Mr Putin was barred by the constitution from running for a third presidential term in the elections of March 2008.

He was elected to a second term as Russian president by a landslide in March 2004 with around 70% of the vote. His nearest rival, the Communist candidate, mustered 14%.

Vladimir Putin, who was born in St Petersburg in 1952, started his career in the ranks of the KGB. From 1990 he worked in the St Petersburg administration, before moving to Moscow in 1996. By August 1999 he was prime minister.

He was named acting president by his predecessor, Boris Yeltsin, who introduced him as the man who could « unite around himself those who will revive Great Russia ».

He went on to win presidential elections in May 2000, having gained widespread popularity for his pledge to take a tough line against Chechen rebels.

Media

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

Russian TV broadcasting is dominated by channels that are either run directly by the state or owned by companies with close links to the Kremlin. The government controls Channel One and Russia TV – two of the three main federal channels – while state-controlled energy giant Gazprom owns NTV. Critics say independent reporting has suffered as a result.

The press in Russia

For most Russians, television, especially via the national networks, is the main source of domestic and international news.

The broadcasting market is very competitive; state-owned or influenced TV networks attract the biggest audiences. Hundreds of radio stations crowd the dial; state-run networks compete with music-based commercial FM stations.

An English-language satellite channel, Russia Today, was launched in late 2005. The news-based station is funded by the Kremlin and aims to present « global news from a Russian perspective ».

There are more than 400 daily newspapers, catering for every taste and persuasion. The major nationals are based in Moscow, but many readers in the regions prefer to take local papers. Several influential dailies have been bought by companies with close links to the Kremlin.

The conflict in Chechnya has been blamed for government attacks on press freedom. Journalists have been killed in Chechnya while others have disappeared or have been abducted.

The Kremlin gained control of mould-breaking NTV in 2001

In Moscow and elsewhere journalists have been harassed or physically abused. Reporters investigating the affairs of the political and corporate elite are said to be particularly at risk.

Media rights organisation Reporters Without Borders has expressed concern at « the absence of pluralism in news and information, an intensifying crackdown against journalists… and the drastic state of press freedom in Chechnya ».

Around 30 million Russians use the internet (Internet World Stats, 2007).

The press

• Komsomolskaya Pravda – mass circulation, left-leaning daily, controlled by energy group YeSN
• Kommersant – daily, business-orientated, controlled by steel tycoon Alisher Usmanov
• Moskovsky Komsomolets – popular privately-owned Moscow daily
• Izvestia – popular daily, owned by state-run gas monopoly Gazprom
• Rossiyskaya Gazeta – government-owned daily
• Nezavisimaya Gazeta – influential privately-owned daily
• Trud – left-leaning daily, owned by Promsvyazbank
• Argumenty i Fakty – popular weekly, owned by Promsvyazbank
• Novaya Gazeta – twice-weekly, known for its investigative journalism; English-language pages
• The Moscow Times – English-language daily
• The Moscow News – English-language weekly

Television

• Russia TV Channel – national network, run by state-owned Russian State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company (VGTRK)
• Channel One – national network, 51% owned by state, 49% by private shareholders
• NTV – national network, owned by state-run Gazprom
• Centre TV – owned by Moscow city government
• Ren TV – Moscow-based commercial station with strong regional network
• Russia Today – state-funded, international English-language news channel, via satellite

Radio

• Radio Russia – national network run by state-owned Russian State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company (VGTRK)
• Ekho Moskvy – editorially-independent station, majority owned by state-run Gazprom
• Radio Mayak – state-run national network
• Russkoye Radio – major private network, music-based
• Voice of Russia – state-run external service, broadcasts in English and other languages

News agencies

• Itar-Tass – state-owned, pages in English
• RIA-Novosti – state-owned, pages in English
• Interfax – private, pages in English

Regions and territories: Abkhazia(bbcnews)

Regions and territories: Abkhazia

Abkhazia declared independence from Georgia in 1999, but Tbilisi continues to regard it as a breakaway region. Situated in the north-western corner of Georgia with the Black Sea to the south-west and the Caucasus mountains and Russia to the north-east, Abkhazia was once known as a prime holiday destination for the Soviet elite. Abkhazia’s battle for independence from Georgia since the collapse of the USSR has reduced the economy to ruins. The only things to thrive are the atmosphere of instability and Russo-Georgian rivalry for influence.

Overview

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

Once part of the ancient Greek and Roman empires, Abkhazia adopted Christianity in the sixth century. With the rise of the Ottoman empire 500 years later, Islam gained increasing influence.

At-A-GLANCE Broke away from Georgia in 1992-1993 war De-facto independence not recognised internationally Ceasefire in force, Russian peacekeepers in place Georgia says Russian troops propping up separatist state Georgian offer of autonomy within federal state rejected by Abkhazia

The ethnic Abkhaz people have close historical, linguistic and cultural ties with the peoples of the Russian North Caucasus which put up fierce resistance to Moscow’s expansionism in the first half of the 19th century. Abkhazia was incorporated into the Russian empire in 1810 as a protectorate and finally annexed in 1864. Many Abkhaz fled and many Russians and Georgians arrived in the years which followed. After the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, Abkhazia gained a measure of autonomy until Stalin, who liked to holiday there, incorporated it into Georgia in 1931. It was still called an autonomous republic but there was very little sign of genuine autonomy while Stalin was alive. Georgian became the official language and the Abkhaz language and cultural rights were repressed. Many Georgians were resettled there. The repression eased substantially after Khrushchev came to power in the Kremlin.

KEY DATES 1810 - Russia declares Abkhazia a protectorate 1864 – Russia annexes Abkhazia 1931 – Soviet authorities incorporate Abkhazia into Georgia 1991 – Georgia declares independence 1992 - Georgia sends troops to stop Abkhazia breaking away 1993 – Fierce fighting ends with Georgian forces being expelled from Abkhazia 1994 - Ceasefire agreed, peacekeepers arrive, nearly all Russian 1999 – Abkhazia declares independence 2004 – New Georgian president Saakashvili vows to restore Georgia’s territorial integrity and return Abkhazia, South Ossetia to the fold 2008 – Russia begins forming legal ties with Abkhazia, which Georgia says is « creeping annexation » of its land

At the time of the collapse of the USSR in 1991, less than a fifth of the people of Abkhazia were ethnic Abkhaz while the rest of the population was made up largely of Georgians. When Georgia became independent, supporters of a break with Tbilisi in favour of independence and closer ties with Russia became more vociferous. Tension rose and in 1992 Georgia sent troops to enforce the status quo. In late 1993, they were driven out amidst fierce fighting. Several thousand people were killed. Thousands became refugees. Abkhazia adopted a new constitution in 1994 and formally declared independence in 1999. It has never been recognised by a single country and the price has been high indeed. An economic embargo remains in force and Abkhazia is isolated in just about every sense of the word except from Russia which maintains a border crossing and has re-opened the railway line to Sukhumi. Moscow has further infuriated Tbilisi by making it easy for people in Abkhazia to gain Russian citizenship. Most now hold Russian passports. Russian role Georgia insists, and many observers tend not to disagree, that Russia supported the campaign to expel Georgian forces in 1993. Incongruously, the Abkhaz forces also had help from Chechen fighters, their traditional Caucasus allies and at the same time the sworn enemies of Moscow.

Violence flared in 1993

The rivalries became still more complex in 2001 when the Kremlin accused Tbilisi of allowing Chechen fighters to take refuge from Russian forces in the Pankisi Gorge, home of their kinspeople, the Kists. Anyone criticised by Russia is likely to rise in Chechen estimation. The accusation forged a new Chechen bond with Georgia. Moscow agreed in 1999 to the closure of its base at Gudauta in the conflict zone, pledging that henceforth it would be for the sole use of peacekeepers. Georgia still alleges that it is used to offer military support to pro-independence forces and, because it says it has been unable to gain access to inspect it, still expresses doubts about whether the base is genuinely used purely for peacekeeping purposes. The fragile peace is maintained by UN military observers and CIS, in effect Russian, peacekeepers. The UN patrols the buffer zone which keeps the Abkhaz and Georgian sides apart. There are sporadic shootings and kidnappings with the potential for violent explosion never far beneath the surface. The strategic Kodori gorge is the only part of Abkhazia over which Georgia retains partial control. Tbilisi sent forces there in summer 2006 to disarm a rebel group. There was fury in Sukhumi when it also announced plans to set up what it described as a « legitimate government » of Abkhazia there. UN efforts to mediate have got nowhere. Abkhazia, turning increasingly towards Moscow, insists there can be no settlement until Georgia recognises its independence, something which Tbilisi has sworn it will never do. There is no sign that a way out of this volatile impasse will soon be found.

Facts

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

• Territory: Abkhazia
• Status: Break-away region of Georgia. Declared independence 1999. Not recognized internationally.
• Population: (1991) 550,000 (2003) approximately 250,000
• Capital: Sukhumi
• Major languages: Russian, Georgian, Abkhaz
• Currency: Rouble
• Major religions: Christianity, Islam
• Natural resources: Agricultural, primarily citrus fruit, tobacco, tea, timber; some coal, hydro-electric power

Leaders

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

President: Sergei Bagapsh Sergei Bagapsh was elected president in January 2005. The vote was a rerun of the previous October’s election which was surrounded by controversy, with allegations of widespread irregularities.

Sergei Bagapsh: His election victory followed months of political turmoil

At that time, a divided Abkhaz electoral commission declared Mr Bagapsh the winner over the Kremlin-backed candidate, Raul Khadzhimba. This brought turmoil, with the Supreme Court first upholding Mr Bagapsh but changing its mind after supporters of Mr Khadzhimba rampaged through the court building. In the end, Mr Bagapsh and Mr Khadzhimba, both strong supporters of Abkhaz independence, agreed to campaign on a joint ticket in the January 2005 rerun, with Mr Bagapsh standing as president and Mr Khadzhimba as vice president. Mr Bagapsh has said that relations with Tbilisi must be sorted out through negotiations between « two sovereign states ». He pledges to build integration with Russia and rules out compromise with the Georgian authorities on sovereignty. Mr Bagapsh was Abkhaz prime minister between 1997 and 2001. He has a Georgian wife. Vice President Khadzhimba was prime minister until immediately after the October 2004 elections.

Media

• Overview
• Facts
• Leaders
• Media

The Abkhaz authorities operate a TV and radio network and publish newspapers in both Abkhaz and Russian. There are several private and opposition Russian-language newspapers. Newspaper and magazine publishing is hindered by a lack of money and the scarcity of paper and printing facilities. Georgian TV and radio stations can be received across much of Abkhazia and the main Russian TV networks are rebroadcast in the territory. The press

• Respublika Abkhazia – official Russian-language paper, thrice weekly
• Apsny – official Abkhaz-language daily
• Ekho Abkhazii – private Russian-language weekly
• Nuzhnaya Gazeta – private Russian-language weekly
• Chegemskaya Pravda – private Russian-language weekly
• Forum – opposition-backed

Television

• Abkhaz State TV and Radio Company (AGTRK) – Abkhaz government-run
• Abaza TV – private

Radio

• Abkhaz State TV and Radio Company (AGTRK) – Abkhaz government-run, operates Apsua Radio
• Radio Soma – private FM station (with English pages)

News agency

• Apsnypress – official

Abkhazia – Path To War(globalsecurity.org)

Abkhazia – Path To War

In 2001 Abkhazia stopped holding Coordination Council (CC) meetings, which only resumed on 15 May 2006. The CC held weekly meetings and discussed two proposed Constitutions, one Abkhazian, the other Georgian, both were rejected by the other side. The talks continued until Georgian forces attacked the Kodori Gorge on 2 October 2006. A warlord living in the Kodori Gorge in Easter Abkhazia recanted his allegiance to Georgia. In July 2006 the Georgian military came in to restore the gorge to Georgian control. The warlord was not an Abkhaz, but a Svans, another ethnic minority related to the Georgians.

Peace talks broke off when Tbilisi sent troops into Kodori Gorge in July 2007 and established an alternative Abkhaz administration there.

On 30 October 2007 Russian peacekeepers, reportedly on an inspection mission within their zone of control, detained 5 Georgian police officers. Video shot showed Russian peacekeepers forcefully disarming and restraining the police, until Georgian forces arrived, turning the tables on the Russians, releasing the police officers and preventing the Russians from leaving. Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili flew to the scene by helicopter and again on camera, chasitised the Russian commander, accusing him of violating his mandate. Subsequent video showed a mob of Georgian soldiers, police, and other officials, advancing on nervous looking Russian soldiers, and later apparently firing on a Russian helicopter the peacekeepers had called in to support their position. The various video evidence showed the tense nature of conditions on the ground.

Worsening relations between Georgia and Russia stalled the peace process. In an April 2008 video, Georgian authorities claimed to show a Russian MiG-29 or a SU-27 shoot down a Georgian UAV over Georgian airspace. The Russians claimed that the video was not authentic. The Georgians also claimed that Russia provided SA-11 surface-to-air missile batteries to the Abkhazian rebels.

In April 2008, the Russian government took a number of actions which increased tensions with Georgia over its separatist regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. These included the Russian government’s unilateral withdrawal from Commonwealth of Independent States economic and military sanctions; April 16th presidential instructions increasing Russia’s relations with Georgia’s separatist regions; and Russia’s unilateral decision to deploy a large number of Russian forces and equipment to the peacekeeping mission in Abkhazia.

The Georgian side protested strongly what it considered a blatant violation of Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, amounting to legalizing a factual annexation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. It demanded the immediate revocation of both the March decision to withdraw from the 1996 CIS sanctions and the April instruction. With regard to its opposition to the April decree, Georgia received unequivocal support from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union.

On 29 April 2008, citing the possibility of an impending deterioration in the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict, the Russian Federation reinforced the Russian-manned CIS peacekeeping force with a 525-strong airborne battalion stationed in the restricted weapons zone. UNOMIG established regular patrolling in the areas where that battalion was deployed. At the end of May, referring to the presidential decision on the provision of humanitarian assistance to the Abkhaz side, the Government of the Russian Federation also introduced a military railways unit to rehabilitate the railways south of Sukhumi, outside the area of responsibility of UNOMIG and the CIS peacekeeping force.

On 7 June 2008 Russia angered Georgian officials by calling 400 troops into Abkhazia supposedly to help rebuild damaged railroads. The Russians claimed that these troops were there to repair 34 miles of track, and were unarmed. The troops in question were scheduled to leave the area by August 2008. As of 22 May 2008 there were 2,500 Russian troops in Georgia.

The Georgian side considered these Russian measures aggressive in nature, in particular vis-à-vis the upper Kodori Valley, and demanded an immediate withdrawal of all additional Russian forces, including the railways troops. The Georgian side argued that these military steps confirmed that the Russian Federation was a party to the conflict and could no longer serve in either a mediating or a peacekeeping capacity.

By June 2008 both sides were at an uneasy peace more based on the lack of combat operations than of any agreement between the two sides. Georgians demanded that that the refugees of the past wars be allowed to return to their homes and land. Georgia also promised the Abkhazia « the highest level of autonomy » while still remaining a part of the Georgian nation. Abkhaz rebels demanded independence, which they believed was won during the 1992-1993 war. They also remained wary, based on past experience, of allowing Georgian refugees to return to their homes. UNOMIG along with CIS peacekeepers remained stationed on the Inguri River separating the two countries.

The negotiation process remained suspended. The Abkhaz side continued to insist on the withdrawal of the Georgian forces from the upper Kodori Valley and the signing of a document on non-resumption of hostilities as a precondition for re-engaging in negotiations with the Georgian side. The Georgian side focused on President Saakashvili’s peace initiative of 28 March 2008. It developed its various components, in particular the economic part, sought to acquaint the Abkhaz side with it and shared it broadly with the international community. At the same time, the Government of Georgia continued to emphasize the need to change the negotiating formats, including by granting a prominent role to the European Union, as a condition for substantial progress. The Abkhaz side remained opposed to any modification.

In early July 2008 the media reported a series of explosions near and in the separatist region of Abkhazia over the past several days. Abkhaz de facto authorities declared a state of emergency in the region that may last for some time and reportedly closed the administrative boundary between Georgia and the separatist-controlled region on 01 July 2008.

On 21 July 2008 the Government of Georgia blamed Russia for the concentration of forces in Abkhazia and in strategic passes of the Main Caucasus Ridge. Georgia’s Defense Ministry claimed that Russian paratroopers had encroached Mamison (Abkhazia) and Roksky (South Ossetia) passes and were on combat alert to move on Sukhumi and Tbilisi. Russia’s troops were reportedly concentrating in Kodori Gorge, where they were amassing personnel, weapons and equipment. Georgia’s media reported that an echelon of heavy combat vehicles had arrived in Abkhazia from Russia, and the vehicles headed for Kodori Gorge after unloading.

In late July 2008 German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier visited Georgia, Abkhazia, and then had meetings with Russian officials in Moscow. He proposed a three stage plan for a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Abkhazia. The plan envisaged an end to the violence, the return of refugeess, confidence-building measures, economic rehabilitation in Abkhazia, and the eventual determination of the status of Abkhazia.

1. The first step of Berlin’s plan would entail an end to violence, confidence-building measures over the next year that could lead to the resumption of direct talks between Georgia and Abkhazia, and the return of about 250,000 Georgian refugees to Abkhazia.
2. The second stage would involve developing joint reconstruction projects.
3. The third and most difficult step would determine Abkhazia’s future status.

Withdrawal of Georgian troops from upper Kodori Gorge, the only part of Abkhazia that remained under Georgian control, and signing of a treaty on non-use of force is ‘the only way’ to defuse tensions, the Kremlin said after President Dmitry Medvedev met with German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier in Moscow on 18 July 2008.

The Georgian Foreign Ministry said in response to the Russia’s position that Moscow’s attempt to separate IDPs return and treaty on non-use of force with making focus on the latter, was an obvious attempt to delay the process of return, which in itself, Tbilisi said, amounted to an attempt ‘to legalize the results of ethnic cleansing’ committed during the armed conflict in the early 90s in Abkhazia. Officials in Tbilisi are opposed to a treaty on the non-use of force without firm guarantees and a detailed timeframe and terms for IDP and refugee return.

Russia pulled out its railroad troops from Georgia’s breakaway republic of Abkhazia on 29-30 July 2008. « Work to repair a 55-km (34-mile) section of the railroad in the area, in cooperation with Russian Railways, had been accomplished, » General Alexander Sobolev, the troops’ deputy commander said, adding that the work had gone smoothly. Around 300 railroad troops arrived in the self-proclaimed republic on May 31 as part of an earlier-announced Russian aid and support program for the region. The deployment sparked a furious reaction from Georgia, which accused Moscow of preparing for military intervention in the Georgia-Abkhaz conflict. During the operation, the Russian troops repaired 50 km of railway tracks, replaced around 12,000 railway ties and crossing ties at sidings. They also repaired some 20 railway bridges and tunnels. The repair work had originally been scheduled to end on August 6.